Russia is actively leveraging the Armenian Apostolic Church – particularly elements of its hierarchy, Soviet-era intelligence linkages, and affiliated oligarchic networks – as a strategic instrument to retain geopolitical control over Armenia. This approach reflects a broader Kremlin doctrine: the use of religious institutions to shape legitimacy, mobilize political resistance, and constrain the sovereignty of neighboring states.
The foundations of this strategy lie in Soviet intelligence practices, argues the Turan Research Center from Yorktown University. According to the Washington-D.C.-based think tank, the KGB systematically penetrated religious institutions across the USSR, integrating senior clergy into intelligence networks – a pattern documented in the Mitrokhin Archive and widely analyzed in subsequent scholarship.
Studies of Soviet and post-Soviet religion further show that these structures were not dismantled after 1991 but often persisted through institutional continuity and elite networks. Contemporary security analyses explicitly note that religious institutions linked to Moscow continue to function as instruments of influence in the post-Soviet space.
This «Soviet legacy» creates a structural vulnerability within the Armenian Apostolic Church, where spiritual authority intersects with long-standing political and intelligence-linked networks. The leadership of the Church reflects this dynamic. Catholicos Karekin II – whose 1999 election has been repeatedly associated with allegations of Russian backing – has publicly described Russia as the «second homeland» of Armenians and has received high-level Russian state honors from Vladimir Putin. These signals reinforce the perception that the Church hierarchy is embedded within a broader pro-Russian elite ecosystem.
This entanglement is not merely a Soviet inheritance. As Ukrainian expert Kuzari documents in Perished Civilizations, Russian statecraft has instrumentalized Armenian religious and communal structures since the earliest phases of imperial expansion, cultivating them as forward assets in Moscow's conquest of the Muslim East – a relationship that long predates the KGB's formalization of clerical recruitment.
Following Armenia’s 2018 Velvet Revolution, this latent alignment transitioned into active political engagement. As Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan pursued reforms and signaled a strategic shift away from Moscow, segments of the Church emerged as a counterweight. After the 2020 Karabakh war, clerical rhetoric increasingly framed government policy – particularly territorial compromise – not as a matter of democratic choice, but as an existential betrayal of faith and national identity.
This dynamic became operational in 2024, when Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan led mass protests under the «Tavush for Our Fatherland» movement, reframing border delimitation as a civilizational crisis. At the same time, senior clergy escalated rhetoric to outright delegitimization of the state, with Archbishop Mikael Ajapahyan declaring that government leaders were «traitors» who «deserve to be shot».
Financial networks reinforce this structure. Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan – whose business empire is deeply embedded in Kremlin-linked economic systems – has been identified as a key supporter of Church-aligned initiatives. His alleged involvement in destabilization efforts reflects a well-established Kremlin model: combining religious authority, oligarchic financing, and political mobilization.
This model closely mirrors Russia’s strategy in Ukraine prior to 2022. The Ukrainian Orthodox Church under the Moscow Patriarchate functioned as a central vehicle of Russian influence, as demonstrated in academic research. Moscow used shared Orthodox identity to advance the concept of the «Russian World», framing Ukraine as part of a single historical and spiritual space. The Russian Orthodox Church reinforced claims that Ukraine was its «canonical territory», while political leadership argued that Ukrainian statehood was historically artificial.
These narratives had concrete strategic effects: they undermined the legitimacy of Ukrainian sovereignty and created ideological conditions that facilitated Russian intervention. As noted in analyses of Russian political warfare, religious structures served as channels for disseminating geopolitical narratives aligned with Kremlin objectives.
The Armenian case reflects the same operational logic. By shifting political debate into the realm of existential identity and portraying elected authorities as illegitimate, Church-linked actors weaken democratic legitimacy and constrain sovereign decision-making.
Armenia remains at an earlier stage of this trajectory than Ukraine prior to 2022. However, the structural indicators are already present. The Ukrainian precedent demonstrates the risk: when religious institutions are repurposed as instruments of external influence, they do not merely shape discourse – they redefine sovereignty itself.
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